The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State ( Cambridge Studies in Law and Society) [John Torpey] on *FREE* shipping. Daniel Nordman THE INVENTION OF THE PASSPORT Surveillance, Citizenship and the State John Torpey University of California, Irvine □H CAMBRIDGE. The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Front Cover · John Torpey, Professor of Sociology John Torpey. Cambridge University .
|Published (Last):||24 June 2009|
|PDF File Size:||9.76 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||12.76 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
Faithful to the commitments made in its name, [France] hastens to fulfill them with a generous exacti- tude.
The issue of identification ID – its reliability, integrity, confidentiality, etc. There are, of course, virtues to this system – principally of a diplomatic nature – just as the expropriation of workers by capitalists allows propertyless workers to 4 COMING AND GOING survive as wage laborers and the expropriation of the means of violence by states tends to pacify everyday life.
The mercantilist policies pursued by these states entailed the general presupposition that population was tantamount to, or at least convertible into, wealth and military strength. Those opposed to the resurrection of passport controls took a sharply different view of the probable consequences of their restoration. The requirement that passports be visaed by the departement was abolished as well. In concluding his enthusiastic endorsement of the proposed passport law, Le Coz wondered aloud: The general result of the process was that local borders were replaced by national ones, and that the chief dif- ficulty associated with human movement was entry into, not departure from, territorial spaces.
As a consequence of the Tennis Court Oath, according to which the revolutionaries had pledged in late June not to leave Paris without completing work on a new constitu- tion, 8 the assembly ironically found itself on 9 October discussing the freedom of its own members to move about.
Conversely, upon arrival at the French border, foreigners were to deposit their passports with the municipal authorities, who were to send them on to the Committee of General Security to be visaed. Prior to the French Revolution, for example, descriptions of a person’s social standing – residence, occupation, family status, etc.
Indeed, these regulations reinvigorated a law from two years earlier that had been specifically directed toward the control of mendicity. RichardsonThomas J. No abstract sociological text, this work is notable for its absence of jargon and its solid grounding in historical fact.
Dividing the two sides of the debate was the question whether one could limit the freedom of the deputies by denying them passports, on the one hand, and whether deputies should leave their posts in the country’s hour of need, particularly given that the foot-soldiers of the nation would not be allowed to do so, on the other.
Borrowing this rhetoric, Marx’s greatest heir and critic, Max Weber, argued that a central feature of the modern experience was the successful expropriation by the state of the “means of violence” from individuals. The welfare of the state is in this word: The result of this process was that workers were deprived of the capacity to produce on their own and became dependent upon wages from the owners of the means of production for their survival.
In contrast, the imagery of “penetration” is blind to the peculiarities of the society that the state invades. In order to monopolize the legitimate means of movement, states and the state system have been compelled to define who belongs and who does not, who may come and go and who not, and to make these distinctions intelligible and enforceable. This member was not opposed in principle to restricting the movements of foreigners and enemies of the revolution, however; far from it.
John Torpey : The invention of the passport. Surveillance, Citizenship and the State
Backing Thuriot’s pro- posal, Vergniaud noted that the essential point was to be able to distinguish between those who wanted “to leave the realm” and those who wanted “to abandon the patrie” – that is, the purpose of these measures was not to restrict emigration, but to be able to make ideolog- ical distinctions among those leaving.
Such devices as identity papers, censuses, and travel certificates thus were not merely on a par with conscription and taxation as elements of state- building, but were in fact essential to their successful realization and 14 COMING AND GOING grew, over time, superordinate to them as tools of administration that made these other activities possible or at least enforceable.
Passport Concerns of the Directory. In any case, many in France itself did not share Condorcet’s openness to outsiders – whether legal foreigners or mere “strangers” – as war loomed on the horizon. A number of legislators shouted that such a provision was unacceptable, for, as Becquey put it, “you have no right” to determine where people shall go.
The decriminalization of travel in the North German. On 22 Junethe city’s mayor issued an order enjoining the Parisian citizenry to permit the exit from the city of those equipped with passports, which he promised would be issued with “discretion and prudence.
Many people long familiar with the restrictions on movement characteristic of the ancien regime remained anxious about the idea of free-floating marauders and the footloose poor coming and going as they pleased. On the same day, ironically, Goethe famously declared that “this date and place mark a new epoch in world history” 76 after the bedraggled French “nation in arms” defeated vastly better-trained Prussian troops in the battle at Valmy.
As Greer has put it, this was “a prelude dolce to the later harsh leg- islation” on emigration and the emigres. Those not so licensed were thus deprived of the freedom to employ violence against others.
Indeed, this sort of popular usurpation of the “legitimate means of movement” is typical of situations in which states are being revolutionized or have disintegrated. But how does this actually happen? On 20 Septemberthe government therefore decreed the estab- lishment of civil status I’etat civila title denoting “standing” within a constituted political order.
There was an element of sophistry in this argument, of course, but the opponents of the passport law sensed that they were on the defensive. Once the genie of the state’s authority to identify persons and authorize their movements is out of the bottle, it is hard to get him back in. The phenomenon is captured nicely in Karl Polanyi’s discussion of the emergence of “the poor” as a distinctive group in early modern England: Once I had seriously embarked on the project, two other people, Gerard Noiriel and Jane Caplan, lent their enthusiasm and provided shining examples of the kind of scholarship I wanted to produce.
The activities classically associated thf the rise of modern states only became possible on a systematic basis if states were in a position successfully to embrace their populations for purposes of carrying out those activities.
In order to do so, they must be able to construct an enduring relationship between the sundry agencies that constitute states and both the individuals they govern and possible interlopers. Individuals who remain beyond the embrace of the state necessarily represent a limit on its penetration. Yet upon departure from the district torepy would have been required to have their passports visaed by the directory of the district or departement in which their municipality was situated.
Alas, unlike when Harrison Ford is involved, the door did not remain open until there was time for one last act of heroism. The asylum that [France] opens to foreigners will never be closed to the inhabitants of countries whose princes have forced us to attack them, and they will find in its womb a secure refuge.
States’ efforts to monopolize the legitimate means of movement have involved a number of mutually reinforcing aspects: It followed the shift of orientations from the local to the “national” level that accom- panied the development of “national” states out of the panoply of empires and smaller city-states and principalities that dotted the map of early modern Europe.
The following study seeks to demonstrate that passports and other documentary controls on movement and identification have been nivention to states’ monopolization of the legitimate means of movement since the French Revolution, and that this process of monopolization has been a central feature of their development as states during that period.